About the Book
Fascism cannot adapt to, and exist under, certain prominent, contemporary conditions. Specifically, it cannot adapt to the strong democracies in which extreme right parties operate, nor to the ideology of radical Islamic groups. Faced with the difficulty of clearly articulating a comprehensive account of fascist ideology, some critics have tried to provide explanations for the emergence of fascist regimes in the inter-War period derived from cultural, historical and even psychological interpretations. There is a problem caused by fascism?s ambiguous relationship with both past and future. German Nazism and Italian Fascism both sought justification and inspiration in a glorious, if largely mythical, past. They challenged many of the modern world?s values and assumptions, especially those proceeding from the eighteenth-century Enlightenment. At the same time they emphasized youth, energy and dynamism and made full use of available twentieth-century technology for propaganda purposes. Hitler, for example, proclaimed the excellence of traditional, rural, peasant Germany but his election campaigns made imaginative use of the then novel instruments of cinema, microphone and aircraft.
The current book contains studies which reveal the paradoxes of one of the most important phenomena in the modern world, to make sense of its ideology and place in the modern world. Besides several themes related to burning issues on the surface of the current discourses in South Korea, first chapter of this book pays attention to the fundamental problems, which are essential to understand the unique character of South Korean society as a divided nation. The in-depth analysis of some fundamental mechanisms is indispensable to develop a long-term strategy dealing with the roots of various problems. Second chapter deals with the historical trajectory of anti-communism in South Korea since 1945. Even though there have been political and economic change in the 21st century, anti-communism has still played an important role in constraining policy development as well as political discourse. Third chapter tries to explain why Protestant conservatives participated in the ideological ?counterattack? by the political far right in the 2000s and examines some unique features of their worldview. In that regard, it investigates the historical background of Protestant anti-communism, reasons that led Protestant anti-communists to act, and characteristics of their anti-communism. In further chapters, the book goes on to highlight national socialism as a ?true? fascist movement, A history of Italian citizenship laws during the era of the Monarchy (1861-1946), and the impact of liberalism on the idea of militarism according to the Doctrine of Zeev Jabotinsky. Ninth chapter of this book explores the tensions between democracy and centralization in the practice of democratic centralism in 1950s Shanghai. Final chapter traces the trajectory of land reform in Zimbabwe since independence until the turn of the millennia and the attendant policy contradictions, constraints and rationalities that undergird land expropriation and redistribution. Volume 2:
The laden phrase ?identity politics? has come to signify a wide range of political activity and theorizing founded in the shared experiences of injustice of members of certain social groups. The phrase ?identity politics? is also something of a philosophical punching-bag for a variety of critics. Often challenges fail to make sufficiently clear their object of critique, using ?identity politics? as a blanket description that invokes a range of tacit political failings. Rather than organizing solely around belief systems, programmatic manifestos, or party affiliation, identity political formations typically aim to secure the political freedom of a specific constituency marginalized within its larger context. The scope of political movements that may be described as identity politics is broad: the examples used in the philosophical literature are predominantly of struggles within western capitalist democracies, but indigenous rights movement?s worldwide, nationalist projects, or demands for regional self-determination use similar arguments.
This book covers original research and studies that examine the effects of identity politics on governance in contemporary heterogeneous societies. It presents a variety of quantitative, qualitative, and mixed-method approaches. First chapter of this book suggests that researchers, campaigners, and pollsters must use caution when extrapolating policy preferences and voting behavior from political identity, and that animosity toward the other end of the political spectrum is sometimes misplaced. People can be quite accurate at extracting a number of seemingly concealable social identities from facial information alone. Unlike categorizations based on race, sex, and age, other group memberships are quite perceptually ambiguous. The second chapter presents another attempt to incorporate perceiver identities into understanding the legibility of target political affiliation from faces. Fourth chapter briefly engages the arguments and counterarguments of the paradox of development in Africa and then goes on to show how the absence of social identity or group identity has been the bane of development in Africa. While dwelling on available secondary data, this chapter theorizes the interplay among politics of underdevelopment, leadership and social identity in Africa. It concludes by arguing for the necessity of class suicide of the political class and also cognitive reorientation of the led through education.
Chapters 5-8 present religious and identity politics; language in digital global south?north spaces in the twenty-first century; the influence of political ideology and trust on willingness to vaccinate; and political ideology and liberalism, respectively. Tenth chapter examines the linkages between ethnic and race relations in the activities of political parties in both countries. It concludes that ethnicity and race are endemic to the nature and operations of political parties in Kenya and South Africa. As a result, most political parties formulate policies and allocate public goods and national resources along ethnic and racial lines in a bid to satisfy their support bases so as to achieve and maintain political power. The study presented in final chapter shows that although both individual political ideology and contextual political regime are independently associated with individuals' self-rated health, individual political ideology appears to be more strongly associated with self-rated health than political regime. It addresses the public policy debates where the racial identity of advocates or opponents is a factor in how debate is framed or understood (e.g., housing, immigration, policing, health care, land use, education reforms); connections between racial identity politics and the quality of democracy; linkages between racial identity and political attitudes or behavior; how racial identity politics can both facilitate and undermine social subordination; and how racial identity politics relates to the formation, maintenance, or collapse of organizations and networks.